Global Challenges: Between Crisis and Innovation

Platform 7th edition

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Ukraine, Crimea, Donbass, and Russia|Panther Media GmbH / Alamy Stock Vector

Settling Ukraine: The Need for a Diplomatic Solution Between Russia and the United States

The author for this article
Ilan Hulkower
January 2022

On December 7th, a 2-hour virtual summit between President Joe Biden of the United States and President Vladimir Putin of the Russian Federation was held on the subject of Ukraine. The summit, which came amid the backdrop of alarming intelligence reports of a 100,000-175,000 Russian troop buildup near Ukraine and fears of a Russian invasion of the rest of Ukraine, achieved no diplomatic breakthrough. Following the conclusion of the summit, Victoria Nuland, Biden’s Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, repeated previous threats of severe economic sanctions should Russia invade. Russia, for its part, denies that it has any intention to invade Ukraine and blames the crisis on the West pushing Ukraine to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and renege on its commitments in the 2014-2015 Minsk Protocols. The Minsk Protocols were the agreements signed by all sides to stabilize the Ukrainian situation in the wake of the instability unleashed in the 2014 Maiden Revolution that ousted a duly elected pro-Russian president from Ukraine. Since 2014, Ukraine has been through a series of war scares. In April of 2021 reports of Russia amassing 100,000 soldiers to invade Ukraine created a similar war scare that touched off an international crisis only for it to come to naught. In June, an international incident occurred again when a British warship was caught sailing close to the Russian controlled coast of Crimea in a show of solitary with Ukraine.

This crisis over Ukraine has brought various outstanding issues to the fore. Ukraine’s various bids for NATO membership to the Russians represent an unacceptable threat of having yet another bordering country that has traditionally been under their sphere of influence becoming aligned with anti-Russian powers. Russia often claims that promises were made to it prior to the end of the Cold War that NATO would not expand. NATO itself claims that there is no record of such a promise made by it. While there may be no organizational record of such an understanding, there are records of major NATO countries (the United States included) assuring the Soviets that NATO would not expand eastward. Obviously, after the end of the Cold War, these assurances were broken by NATO incorporating countries that were former members of the Warsaw Pact and former republics of the Soviet Union into the fold.

When Russia intervened in 2014, it further defended its decision as reacting to Ukraine’s hostile policy toward its Russian minority. The Russian minority in Ukraine have been subject to various laws that demote the use of Russian in official institutions like education and in the media. (Incidentally, the Ukrainian language was historically also subjected to hostile policies going back to the days of Czarist Russia.) Prior to the 2014 Revolution, President Yanukovyck attempted to address this issue by allowing localities to pass legislation that determined what their official languages were. However, since the Revolution the hostility toward the Russian language has intensified. When Russia intervened in the aftermath of the Revolution, this action was popular among the Russian Ukrainians who welcomed a return to the motherland.

What the Ukrainian government seeks to do is regain control over the entirety of the territory they controlled prior to the 2014 Revolution. Since the 2014 Revolution, which sparked the pro-Russian eastern portion of Ukraine to secede from the country or, as in the case of Crimea, to be annexed to Russia itself, it has ceased to have complete sovereignty in its own land. Ukraine refuses to recognize Russian control over Crimea as Ukraine has legal title to Crimea ever since this territory was gifted to Ukraine by the Soviet Union in 1954. Russian intervention in Ukraine further directly violates the 1994 Budapest Memorandum where it (in addition to the US and Great Britain) agreed “to respect the independence and sovereignty and the existing borders of Ukraine” in exchange for Ukraine transferring the nuclear arsenal that the Soviet Union stationed there to Russia. The Russians, disingenuously insist that they have not violated this memorandum as they claim it only prevented them from discharging their nuclear weapons on Ukraine and not on intervening in Ukraine using conventional weapons. More plausibly, however, the Russians claim that since the 2014 Maiden Revolution overthrew the legitimate democratically elected government, the memorandum does not apply to the post-revolutionary government.

All the outstanding issues ranging from Western broken promises regarding NATO, the question of Ukrainian sovereignty over its territories, and the language issue over the use of Russian in Ukraine have contributed toward Ukraine being a very potent geopolitical hotspot of tension between the great powers. The fact that domestic tensions over, among other things, language rights has touched off several war scares between not just Russia and Ukraine but between Russia and the West shows just how unstable the situation is. The various crises over Ukraine have already deepened Russian-Chinese cooperation since both countries have found themselves at opposite ends with the US. It is no surprise then that a virtual meeting between Putin and Xi, the leader of China, was scheduled for December 15th - a mere few days after Putin’s call with Biden. A diplomatic resolution of Ukraine is needed both to avoid a general war and to resolve the fundamental tension between Russia, the United States, and its European allies over the West’s eastward expansion of its sphere of influence. A NATO that swallows up yet another country that borders Russia is to the Russians a clearly provocative act. Similarly, a full-on Russian invasion of Ukraine would be extremely worrisome to the West.

In this increasingly multipolar world, there is an American interest in seeing if it is able to build a détente with Russia and decouple them from China. History may yet borne out again the veracity of Bismarck’s quip that the secret of good politics is to make a good treaty with Russia. To do this, Russia and the West must build up mutual trust by coming to a basic understanding that is respected in order for the Russians to consider competing for influence in Central Asia where China is trying to expand its sphere of influence in areas that once were also under Soviet control. An agreement over Ukraine will not magically do this all on its own but it will be a serious step. The best framework to do this is by making Ukraine a devolved federal union with stronger minority protections that is prohibited from joining military alliances with either Russia or the United States (such as in the form of NATO). While it is doubtful that Russia will give up Crimea, which it has already annexed, an attempt should be made to sweeten the offer for the Ukrainians by Russia returning the Donbass region in eastern Ukraine to Kiev’s control. This general offer should be tempting to the Russians as it roughly conforms to what they themselves have stated to be the future they want for Ukraine. Whether upheld or violated such a hypothetical treaty would at the very least make the intentions of all parties clearer. If Russia should violate it then the West now has evidence that the Russians care more about their own territorial expansion, than any real desire to reach an understanding with the West. If the West would violate it then Russia will have evidence that Western policy is so hostile to Russia that even when things are committed to paper the West cannot be trusted.

Do Not Cross, Crime Scene Tape| Photo by Yumi Kimura from Yokohama, Japan| Licensed under CCA-SA 2.0

What’s Behind an American Pandemic Crimewave?

The author for this article
Elianna James
January 2022

There is a strong public perception in the United States that crime has increased in 2020 and continuing into 2021. The first question to ask is, is that true? According to an article in The Atlantic in September 2021, there is a different answer depending on whether one looks at property crimes or homicide rates. Based on their investigations, which uses the FBI’s Uniform Crime Report, there was a 12% increase in aggravated assaults in 2020 (which were defined as attacks or even threats that cause serious injuries or in which weapons are used. By this definition even pointing a loaded gun at someone would be an aggravated assault.) There was also a shocking 30% increase in murders in the same time period, but not in property crime. Burglary and larceny (theft of personal property) were overall down by 8%, perhaps because so many people were stuck at home and criminals did not want to engage them directly. Motor vehicle theft and thefts of things inside motor vehicles did increase. People want to protect their property, but even more so they want to protect their lives and the lives of people they care about. In addition to individual shootings and violence, the very highly publicized murder of George Floyd in May 2020, while he was being taken into police custody in Minneapolis, MN led to months of civil unrest, demonstrations, and protests that sometimes turned into riots, throughout the US.

Almost two million articles were written in the two weeks after George Floyd’s death and the unrest that immediately followed. Politics played an important role in how the events were portrayed. CNN discusses how both the GOP and the Democratic Party used data to advance their agendas on crime in general. The Democrats can point to the amazing number of individually owned guns in the United States, which will be discussed later in this article. The Democratic narrative suggests that gun control legislation would stem the tide of violent altercations. Some Democrats called for defunding the police after George Floyd’s death. The Republicans pointed to the “defund the police” movement as being a primary cause for the crime wave. Their contention and messaging was that, due to widespread “defunding” there were far less police available to make arrests. They also contended that there was a vast number of police quitting their jobs during this time. Let’s examine both of these contentions.

Looking at Minneapolis, MN, the city where George Floyd was murdered by a police officer while arresting him, and which was a flashpoint for the “defund the police” effort, at the end of 2020, the city moved $8 million out of a total $179 million police budget to cover additional violence prevention services, including mental health services. In a sharp reversal of policy, Minneapolis increased the police budget for 2022 by $27 million. The theme of cutting some parts of the police budget in 2020 and then restoring some of it in 2021 was repeated in multiple cities across the country. In short, while many cities and counties across America were pressured to cut funding to the police, within the next year the population pressured local governments to increase their funding to their police departments.

Regarding the argument that police officers were quitting in droves, we have data to show that the police ranks were thinning, but so were many other jobs. In fact, the level of recent job resignations has been termed the “great resignation”. Using Federal Data to substantiate the claim that police were quitting in droves, the Marshall Project found that there were far fewer police who quit during 2020 than people who quit jobs in other industries. The Marshall Project argued that a stable police workforce existed throughout the nation and cutting police funding is generally last on the list of budget items to face cuts. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics (US Federal Government), there was a 1% attrition rate, nationwide, in law enforcement personnel, from 2019 to 2020. In many cases, digging deeper into the data it was revealed that police were taking early retirement or moving to other, less community-facing positions, within the same or neighboring public service structure.

On a side note, the idea that Black communities in America want the police to leave doesn’t stand the test of polls and interviews. In reality, most Americans, including Black Americans in urban settings, want the police to be available and to do their job of protecting the community. Eric Adams was elected to the Mayor’s office in New York City by providing that assurance to his public. This leaves the very real and very statistically supported fact that there was a sharp, sharp uptick in homicides and other violent crimes in the United States in 2020 and 2021, compared to 2019. Who is affected? Who is dying and who are the killers?

The homicide numbers have been supported by the FBI and the Pew Research Foundation, a non-profit, non-partisan think tank. Homicide numbers are still being compiled and analysis is far from over. The FBI shares homicide statistics for 2020 at between 17,720 people and 18,519 people. The reason for the discrepancy is that they are compiling data from only a little over 60% of the 15 thousand agencies that operate nationwide and in Washington, D.C. Given the constraints in reporting data on homicides, it is important to note that of the 17,813 murders reported through the FBI Crime Data Explorer, 13,663 deaths were attributed to some form of firearm, comprising 76% of murders reported.

Are the perpetrators being apprehended? Yes and no. Of the reported 18,519 victims in the FBI Crime Data Explorer database, 9,564 were killed by unknown assailants at the time of the murder been reported. This is approximately 50% of the murders. Of the known perpetrators, about 10% were strangers to their victims. In all other known cases, there was a familial, work, or romantic relationship. A third and last assessment of the homicide victims was to determine why the event took place. In nearly half the homicides there was no known cause. About a quarter was determined to be the result of arguments, domestic or social. Drugs, burglary, and gang violence were the other causes, but surprisingly enough they accounted for less than 20% of the total.

Digging a little deeper into the high homicide spike states in the US we looked at Philadelphia, Pennsylvania which experienced a 13% increase in killings from the previous year. Unenviably, Philadelphia had 501 homicides in 2021. Fully 89% of these deaths were due to firearms. Violent crime doesn’t always lead to death and there were also 2,332 people shot in the same time frame. Who are the victims of these shootings? In Philadelphia 80% of those shot were Black and young Black men were the greatest number of casualties accounting for 280 deaths, more than half the total.

Illinois has tough gun laws only in Chicago. In the rest of the state, there isn’t even a requirement to register your guns. Those stronger local laws did nothing to stop Chicago from experiencing 800 homicides in 2021. Police in Chicago and the surrounding area were on track in October 2021 to confiscate over 12,000 illegal guns. Considering how frequently the homicides in the US are a result of gun violence it might be instructive to evaluate if there was a general increase in gun ownership. Because every state in the US has different gun laws and citizens perceive a need or desire to own guns an average is hard to evaluate accurately. The number of guns owned by individuals in the US ranges from 200 million to 350 million plus. An analysis of rates of gun ownership in various states shows that Wyoming and Montana have gun ownership rates of approximately 66% of all households there. Although Wyoming has a population of over 578,000 people, there were only 14 murders in 2020. And, yes, most of them were committed with guns. That still doesn’t explain why the roughly 381,000 gun-owning citizens of Wyoming didn’t commit a gun murder.

You might think that a large increase in firearm purchasing would drive more firearm violence. The studies available to date do not support that at a state level. Previous surges in firearm purchases that followed mass shootings and political events have been shown to lead to an increase in shootings. The pandemic timeframe where there was an uptick in firearms purchases has so far not been shown to be a major factor in this surge of violence.

To understand the current rise of violence one must look beyond simplistic catchy slogans to understand why the trend of more violence, aggravated assaults, and murders occurred in the United States occurred in 2020 and 2021. It is clear that the people in the United States are reacting by buying more guns if legal and easily accessible in their area, obtaining guns through other means if not, and looking to elect officials who say the right things about protecting them as well.

Dr Jenner performing his first vaccination on James Phipps, a boy of age 8. May 14th, 1796| Painting by Ernest Board

To Boost or Not to Boost for COVID-19: How Should We Approach this Question?

The author for this article
Dr. Keren Hulkower
January 2022

COVID-19, which has dominated world attention for over two years now, will continue to be in the forefront of public health for the foreseeable future. With “COVID fatigue” setting in, health authorities are facing a crisis in public confidence. For example, The Centers of Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) recently announced that they are pivoting their language on what it means to be fully vaccinated. If you recently got your second dose of a COVID-19 vaccine and you aren’t yet eligible for a booster shot, you are considered up to date. But, according to Dr. Rochelle Walensky, director for the CDC, if enough time has elapsed since your second shot and you’re eligible for the booster but haven’t gotten it, you would need to get it to be fully up to date. Dr. Anthony Fauci adds, “One of the things that we’re talking about from a purely public health standpoint is how well you are protected, rather than what a definition is to get someone to be required or not required.” This announcement follows on the heels of many cities, such as Washington DC, requiring vaccines to enter restaurants and gyms, with staff demanding that customers show their vaccination cards as proof to comply with this rule. Chicago City Inspectors have cited 13 bars and restaurants and 9 fitness centers for failing to enforce city rules that require all customers to present proof of vaccination. One can legitimately question whether it makes sense for those who have recovered from the virus, especially Omicron, to get further boosters, or if this is a shortcoming of establishing mandates based on vaccination status rather than immune status.

This article will attempt to review and set the record straight on what we know about vaccines in general, the COVID-19 vaccine, and what public health messaging should focus on when any future pandemics arise. The seven topics covered will be: (1) a definition of what vaccines are and how they work; (2) why immunity conferred by some vaccines is more durable than for others; (3) the two major types of immunity: humoral (antibody mediated) and adaptive (mediated by subsets of white blood cells); (4) COVID-19 vaccines and their efficacy; (5) vaccine evasion and breakthrough infections by the Omicron variant; (6) transitioning from a COVID-19 pandemic to an endemic disease; and (7) lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic.

Let us begin with the definition of a vaccine and a brief explanation of how vaccines work. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), vaccines trigger your immune system, your body’s natural defenses, to create antibodies to fight infections just as it would do if it were exposed to infectious agents (pathogens) such as bacteria, toxins, or viruses for the first time. The key ingredient in a vaccine can be a killed, or otherwise weakened, whole viral particle or bacterium, individual specific parts (subunits) of the germ, known as antigens, to trigger your immune system, or just the genetic material, DNA or RNA, that provide the blueprints for your own cells to produce specific protein antigen components of the virus or bacterium. Vaccines trigger your immune system to respond as much as it would have if it were exposed to the actual pathogens themselves, but without actually causing the disease itself. The antibodies produced by the vaccine work in several ways to prevent or mitigate infections. They can bind and directly inactivate the pathogens; these types of antibodies are called neutralizing antibodies. Other types of antibodies when bound to the pathogen act as sentinels or flags to recruit other components of your immune system to punch holes in bacterial cells, or to enable your white blood cells to engulf and digest the pathogens in a process known as phagocytosis.

Some vaccines can give you life-long immunity to a pathogen while others need booster doses a few months or years later. For example, tetanus boosters are given every 10 years, the shingles vaccine, Shingrix, requires a second shot 2-6 months after the first dose, and flu shots are given annually. According to Hai Tran, PharmD, the associate director of Pharmacy Services at Cedars-Sinai, the length of vaccine-induced immunity depends on several factors. If the virus replicates quickly, there is a greater chance that more mutations, also known as variants, will arise which makes generating a vaccine a moving target. Viruses that are stable, meaning that they have low mutation rates, offer a big advantage to vaccine makers in that immunity from a vaccine will be durable over time. Examples of highly contagious viruses that were almost eradicated by vaccination alone are smallpox and polio; these have low mutation rates. Measles is also a stable virus that is not likely to replicate and immunity from the vaccine is long-lasting. On the other hand, the influenza virus replicates quickly and mutates frequently and so poses a challenge for vaccine development. Every year there are multiple new strains of the flu virus. This year’s flu shot was quadrivalent, meaning that it was developed to protect against 4 different variants of influenza. Next flu season there will likely be new variants yet again which is why annual flu shots are recommended.

Immunity given by the initial production of antibodies in response to a vaccine or the pathogen itself is known as humoral immunity. However, there is another form of immunity known as adaptive immunity that is mediated by T and B cells which are subsets of your white blood cells. Adaptive immunity functions as an immunologic memory to handle subsequent infections from the same pathogen. Memory T cells remain in circulation from the initial exposure to the vaccine or pathogen. Memory B cells are those which produce the antibodies. Adaptive immunity helps your immune system distinguish foreign, or “non-self” antigens from pathogens from “self” antigens which are components from your own cells which you obviously don’t want your immune system to attack. Ethan Smith, PharmD, Manager for Drug Use Policy at Cedars-Sinai explains, “Counting antibodies doesn't give you a full picture of how well you're protected, because vaccines also train B cells and T cells.” Dr. Smith continues, “When confronted by a known enemy, 'memory' B cells quickly deploy new antibodies to stop infection. When scientists are developing a new vaccine, they do preliminary studies to get an idea of how many doses may be needed. They measure how many antibodies are produced from one shot, and how much more protection you might get from a second dose. If researchers decide that one dose gives enough protection and that a second dose doesn't significantly improve things, they'll develop it as a one-dose vaccine.”

It is important to note at the outset that COVID-19 vaccines cannot and will not make you sick with COVID-19. Any symptoms, such as fever, that you may get after vaccination are not because of the virus. Rather, they are signs that your body is generating an immune response against the virus that causes COVID-19. The virus that causes COVID-19 is a severe respiratory syndrome (SARS)-like coronavirus termed SARS-CoV-2. A virus surface spike protein mediates SARS-CoV-2 entry into cells by binding to its receptor, known as human ACE2. As detailed by Heinz and Stiasny, all current COVID-19 vaccines authorized for general use were developed using the viral spike protein, known as the S protein, of the SARS-CoV-2 virion as their key component to confer immunity by the production of antibodies to the key S protein that allows the attachment and fusion of the SARS-CoV-2 virus particles to cells that line your nose, mouth, and lungs via ACE2 receptors. Thus, these receptors act as a cellular doorway for the virus that causes COVID-19.

Just because antibody levels may disappear after a COVID-19 infection subsides does not mean that your immune system forgets how to combat the virus. The article by Cox and Brokstad, published in Nature Reviews Immunology in August 2020, reports that although antibodies to SARS-CoV-2 are not maintained in circulation following recovery from the virus, their absence does not necessarily mean an absence of immune memory. They write, “Robust immune responses with spike-specific neutralizing antibodies, memory B cells and circulating TFH cells have been found in patients who have recovered from COVID-19 infection,” citing a study by Juno et al.

A critique of the booster policy is that, to date, none of the major COVID-19 vaccine suppliers have altered the original formulations of their vaccines. The contents of your second dose of the COVID-19 vaccine, be it from Pfizer or Moderna, were the same as what you received in the first dose. A COVID-19 booster, which is a third dose of the Pfizer or Moderna vaccines for given at least 5 months after the second dose or a second dose of the J&J vaccine at least 2 months after the initial shot, is also from the manufacturer’s original series; however, only half of the original Moderna dose is recommended as the booster. According to the CDC guidelines, adults over 18 can mix and match their booster shots, with those having received the first 2 doses of either Pfizer or Moderna being able to get boosted with either manufacturer’s vaccine while it is preferred that those who received the J&J vaccine get either the Pfizer or Moderna boosters.

But are these immunizations effective and what are potential limitations to their ability to protect you from COVID-19 infections? Gilbert et al., in an article appearing in the November 23rd 2021 edition of Science, describes the efficacy of the Moderna vaccine to protect from COVID-19 infection by measuring the levels of antibodies a patient produces in their blood serum in response to doses of the vaccine and the ability of those antibodies to neutralize infection. To accomplish the task of screening patient serum samples on a large scale, they built a simulated receptor binding system using a virus-like scaffold expressing the S protein from the SARS-CoV-2 (a spike-pseudovirus), and a genetically engineered cell line overexpressing the ACE2 receptor instead of using the actual SARS-CoV-2 virus and cells from a human respiratory tract. The authors incorporated light-generating components into this system so that when the spike-pseudovirus binds to the ACE2 expressing cells, light is generated. This light, known as chemiluminescence, is then able to be measured and quantified. Antibodies that blocked or neutralized binding of the S protein to the ACE2 receptors significantly reduced the amount of the light produced in the test system as compared to control levels of light generated by binding in the absence of neutralizing antibodies.

The authors conclude that COVID-19 risk decreased incrementally with increasing antibody levels following dosing with the Moderna vaccine. However, they concede that there were limitations to their study, including: the inability to control for SARS-CoV-2 viral exposure levels; a lack of ability to assess spike-specific functional T cell responses which, as mentioned earlier are involved in adaptive immunity; and the inability to assess a booster dose because the study predated the inclusion of a third dose. Most notably the COVID-19 patient serum samples studied were from infections with SARS-CoV-2 viruses that had a spike protein sequence similar to that of the vaccine thus precluding the assessment of vaccine robustness to SARS-CoV-2 variants of concern. In summary, while their findings validated vaccine efficacy by measuring the antibodies produced in response to infection or vaccination, the authors could not establish that these antibodies would provide robust protection against emerging SARS-CoV-2 variants.

The notion that the current crop of vaccines are not as effective against emergent strains is confirmed by a study from Liu et al published in Nature on 23 December 2021 that indeed found that the Omicron variant is markedly resistant to neutralization both by serum from convalescent patients and from individuals vaccinated with the widely used COVID-19 vaccines. Even serum from individuals vaccinated and boosted with the Pfizer and Moderna mRNA-based vaccines had substantially diminished neutralizing activity to Omicron. They conclude that “the Omicron variant presents a serious threat to many existing COVID-19 vaccines and therapies.”

Fortunately, infection by Omicron, which bypasses the immunity conferred by the vaccine, is notably less severe than previous variants. An article by Kuhlmann et al. published in The Lancet on 18 January 2022, documented breakthrough infections with the Omicron variant in seven individuals despite receiving three doses of mRNA vaccines. In these breakthrough cases, illness was either mild or moderate and none required hospitalization. They also noted that Omicron is much more transmissible but less virulent than other strains of SARS-CoV-2; as it infects rapidly but does not yield as severe respiratory symptoms seen in previous variants. Their findings demonstrate “insufficient prevention of symptomatic infection in otherwise healthy individuals who had received three doses of COVID-19 mRNA vaccines … [and] support the need for updated vaccines to provide better protection against symptomatic infection with Omicron.” T cell responses were also detected from these recovering individuals. These cell-mediated responses were not limited to only the spike protein, but also included the nucleocapsid and membrane proteins which are additional components of the SARS-CoV-2 particle. This is an encouraging sign that a broad, adaptive immunity is also developing in response to Omicron infections.

As mentioned earlier, vaccine boosters serve to boost levels of circulating antibodies when immunity from earlier shots wanes. However, if these circulating antibodies are not at all effective, or are less effective, against the Omicron variant as compared to their efficacy with earlier variants, one must question whether it is prudent to keep boosting with the original formulations of the COVID-19 vaccines. Pfizer’s CEO, Albert Bourla, has said that they could be ready to file for approval for a redesigned vaccine to fight Omicron and be able to mass produce it by March 2022. However, he feels that from a public health perspective, an annual vaccine that covers Omicron while not neglecting other variants would be a good solution.

But for an Omicron vaccine to be effective in stemming the current tide of cases, according to Dr. William Moss, executive director of the International Vaccine Access Center at the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, it would have been needed to be introduced to the general population back in December 2021. Dr. Moss further commented that, “it [developing and mass producing an Omicron vaccine] still could be valuable but I do think in many ways, it’s too late” for the current wave of COVID-19 cases. More than 95% of reported COVID-19 cases were due to the Omicron variant as of early January 2022. If such a vaccine had been available earlier, it “might have been sufficient to prevent some of these illnesses and better protect our workforce, particularly health care workers,” says Moss. But since infection from Omicron spread so rapidly, a targeted vaccine could not be developed in time.

All this information about Omicron bypassing the vaccines and being highly transmissible while causing less severe infections raises the question: Is COVID-19 transitioning from pandemic to endemic? “What an endemic phase of a viral infection means is that it’s not causing the terrible hospitalizations of the pandemic phase but that we’ll have enough immunity of a population so it’s kept down to low levels,” said Dr. Monica Gandhi, an infectious disease doctor at the University of California, San Francisco. She feels that the Omicron variant could be the driver of COVID-19 into endemic status. What would life be like when Omicron is declared an endemic disease? Dr. Ghandi feels that it will be managed more like we manage the flu virus, using vaccines, treatments, and recommending those individuals who are more vulnerable to wear masks inside. “We will likely not be masking, distancing, contact tracing, doing asymptomatic testing,” Dr. Gandhi said. She continues that “There’s [an] incredible number of cases in both vaccinated and unvaccinated. What that does is it exposes you to the entire virus and you develop antibodies, T cells and B cells across the entire virus.” In other words, by recovering from an infection of Omicron, you develop both humoral and adaptive immunity.

Even public health officials like Dr. Fauci are now positing on learning to live with endemic COVID-19. "Control means you're not eliminating it, you're not eradicating it," he explains. "But it gets down to such a low level that it's essentially integrated into the general respiratory infections that we have learned to live with." In other words, just like the flu or the common cold. "If we have those things in place – vaccine testing, masks, therapy – we could keep it at that low level," Fauci said. He confirms that the durability of protection from boosters requires further studies and explains that waning antibody levels are normal. However, Fauci is now invoking that adaptive immunity may also be at work. "But there's an element of the immune response — B cell memory and T cell responses — where, even though you do see a diminution of antibody levels, it is quite conceivable, and I hope it's true, that the third shot boost will give a much greater durability of protection."

So, as physicians and scientists in medical communities across the globe are beginning to talk increasingly more about COVID-19 finally transitioning to endemic status, what are some of the reasonable lessons that we can derive from this pandemic?

I was fortunate enough to study pathogenic microbiology as an undergraduate at Rutgers University in the early 1980’s with Dr. Morris Solotorovsky, of blessed memory, who was an author of “Three Centuries of Microbiology” first published in 1965. Dr. S, as we used to call him, was already a septuagenarian when he was my professor. We used to joke that he was around for all three of those centuries of microbiology. He became especially animated when regaling us about Ignaz Semmelweis, the pioneer of antiseptic procedures, who discovered that instances of childbed fever could be drastically reduced using hand disinfection in obstetrical clinics. Nearly 160 years later, frequent handwashing is at the top of the list to prevent infections.

Dr. David Finegold, may he rest in peace, my professor of microbiology in graduate school at University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine who also wore a large pin on the lapel of his lab coat that said, ‘Wash your hands!’, taught us that droplets from sneezes can travel at speeds approaching 100 mph, with coughs expelling droplets at 50 mph. Dr. Finegold’s motto was to cover coughs and sneezes. This is something else that remains an absolute truth.

And I learned from my immunology professors, Dr. Howard Passmore at Rutgers, and Dr. Christine Milcarek at Pitt, that the very young, the very old, and those with underlying medical conditions or taking immunosuppressants are most vulnerable to infection. Again, this has been borne out by morbidity and mortality in the current pandemic.

My mother, neither a microbiologist nor an immunologist, had her own rule: If you’re sick, stay home! (Her chicken soup wasn’t bad either…) No one needs you feeling miserable with fever, coughing, sneezing, or having frequent diarrhea in school or at work. One of the realizations arising from life during the pandemic is that there is an increased ability to work from home for certain types of jobs. Students have also gotten used to remote learning during the pandemic. If you’re sick and shouldn’t be present to potentially infect coworkers, clients, or customers but are still able to muddle through the work or school day, hopefully your employer or school will continue to be able to support remote work or schooling in your home. For those employees who must be physically present at their workplace, employers should be mandated to provide ample fully paid leave as needed for workers when either they or a dependent are duly documented to be sick so that the spread of germs is limited. This is one law that should garner bipartisan support in both houses of Congress!

While Operation Warp speed was extraordinarily successful in bringing about a brand new modality of mRNA vaccines to prevent severe cases of COVID-19 arising from the initial variants, rapidly mutating viruses can outpace this protection. Additional effort must be made to develop rapid tests to further discern the ability of antibodies generated in response to first generation vaccines to neutralize emerging variants.

It is clear that you can’t have a single pronged “vaccine only” approach: parallel paths must also be taken at the same time to develop new types of therapeutics or screen old drugs to find promising leads for further development and make them widely available to those who do get infected. Be prepared for the next pandemic: devote resources to making sure ample supplies of hospital equipment, personal protective gear for front line workers, and tried and true standard operating procedures are in place for manufacturing in our own country to ramp up testing, vaccinations, and therapies, and medical supplies as needed.

Finally, educate the public more effectively on basic principles of immunology and epidemiology in laymen’s terms so they can grasp this information to make more informed decisions about their own health without the need for harsh proclamations or condescension. Individuals must be able to rely upon the relationships that they have with their own trusted healthcare providers for advice that’s tailored perfectly to their own situation.

*About the author: Dr. Keren Hulkower earned a BS in Biology from Cook College, Rutgers University, an MS in Microbiology and a PhD in Biochemistry from the University of Pittsburgh School of Medicine. He held senior research positions in drug discovery and medical assay development at several major pharmaceutical companies before venturing into the world of biotechnology start-ups. Dr. Hulkower currently works as a senior manager for a major non-profit medical organization. He is the author of more than 30 peer-reviewed scientific manuscripts and dozens of abstracts over the course of his career. Dr. Hulkower is also the author of 2 medical fiction novels, Mirror Images and Broken Records. The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of Dr. Hulkower and do not reflect those of his employer or this website.

Chilean Protests 2019 in Puerto Montt|Photo by Natalia Reyes Escobar| Licensed under CCA-SA 4.0

A New Chile: After Elections, An Opportunity to Build Social Dignity, Not Just Following Orders from the Authority

The author for this article
Victor Saavedra
January 2022

Chile has changed. These last two years have been full of historical moments that will have repercussions for the future of society and in the anti-capitalist movements of the world. Tensions between Chilean protesters advocating for economic reforms and the Chilean government and their oligarchy went to the constitutional convention, with new actors arising now who promise to fix the moribound and obsolete political and economical system. On December 19th, Apruebo Dignidad, a coalition of social democratic parties, won the presidential elections for the first time, with the populist president-elect Gabriel Boric promising to address the grievances of the protestors and deliver solutions to long standing structural issues that has plagued Chilean democracy. Once again people will have to trust populist politicians. Is social democracy the final destination of the October insurrection? To answer this question we have to look back a little in recent history. The recent protest movement by the Chilean people against their own government was a natural outcome of the fact that Chile has been ruled by the same oligarchy since colonial times which has imposed its own long-standing social, political and economic model on society.

An important factor that led to the protest struggle to revindicate social rights was the distant and disconnected billionaire ruling class. The disconnect between the “political caste” and the everyday reality experienced by the common people in Chile, has led some to compare the gap between the Chilean economic classes as similar to the dynamics between Louis XVI and the 3rd estate which led to the French Revolution. A common comparison of Marie Antoinette's famous quote “Let them eat cake” is Piñera eating in a Pizzeria while the country was in flames on the night of October 18th. After the first month of protests that led to intense state repression by the oligarchy in an effort to protect their privileges from a revolution against them, members of the neoliberal left, centre and right joined together to sign the “Treaty of social peace and new constitution”, to form together and address the people’s demands. All of the signers were presidents of the political parties of the Chilean political spectrum, all of them except Gabriel Boric Font, the actual president elect.

The figure of Boric, the first millennial president of Chile, appeared in 2011 after winning the presidency of the Federation of Students of the University of Chile in the middle of the Students movement for free education of that year. It is said inside student circles that Boric, Vallejo and Jackson, the main leaders of the student movement of 2011, sold out and ruined the movement just to make careers in politics, accepting poor solutions from the government, forgetting the main goal of free universal access and good quality of education. Now the same is said with Boric as president, and his political partners Vallejo and Jackson. Although he promises that his plans for government will stick close to the social ideas of the popular movement, their political behaviour has been erratic. When Boric was deputy of the lower house of the congress during the October insurrection, he voted in favour of provocative and repressive laws that permitted the mass jailing of protestors, and that’s when he gained the term “Amarillo”, that could be translated as someone who changes their discourse depending on who they are treating with or what they want to gain from it. Camila Vallejo before being deputy for the lower house said that Michelle Bachelet was another neoliberal figure that did not deserve trust. Yet, later when she was in campaign for congress, she called everyone to vote for Bachelet for a second term. How could a coalition with erratic behaviour govern in favour of the people without selling out the popular movement again like in the past? Someone could say the end justifies the means and that we had to choose between Boric or an openly reactionary Pinochetist. The latter figure endangered the loss of all the social victories for the social reform movement, with the real prospect of Chile regressing 30 years.

One of the current fights of the protesters is the liberation of political prisoners of the insurrection. It is said that more than 2500 people are in jail for reasons involving their fight against state oppression. Ciper Chile, an independent journalist media, did an investigation of those jailed for protesting for change in Chile, and found 77 with official detained offences, the rest are still in jail without a proper sentence or judgement. Boric’s close friend and campaign leader, Giorgio Jackson, who also voted in favour of repressive laws, said that when Boric assumed the presidency, they would retire all accusations where the State Security Law was applied. This law was inherited from Pinochet’s dictatorship and it was used for all the governments of the democracy transition, it allowed high prison sentences for public disorder . According to Ciper, just 3 people fit that description, the 74 left behind, who are accused of manufacturing Molotov cocktails, public disorder, making barricades, etc. will stay in jail. Is it another betrayal to the movement? History has demonstrated that insurrections are the engine of national history. Without direct action, nothing could change even a little bit. Showing clemency to these jailed protestors, would be a huge step towards social peace. If the Government continues keeping the fighters in jail, it's just another message that they are another faction of the same oligarchy that ruled the territory of Chile for centuries. If so then the people will not be free even in a so-called Social Democratic government. Who can tell if the new Social Democratic government and the new constitution will give back dignity to the people? Who will give back the lives lost because they did not have enough money to pay for treatments? Who will do so for our dried land that has been destroyed by mining projects? Our fallen comrades who died during the insurrection who were fighting for our rights, what would they say if they found out ‘the Amarillo’ is the new president after all the fighting?

What is true, is that people have to protect all the liberties won along the fight, and occupy all of the resources available to achieve their goals, but never surrender to the bourgeois democracy. We have to be strong and united more than ever and never leave the streets. We have to fight for the freedom of our comrades locked up in the state dungeons. We have to fight against misery and the strong inequality in the distribution of wealth, because poverty is massive in Chile, thanks to the economic model that only defends people privileged with it. Some indicators say poverty was reduced more than 25% thanks to the neoliberalist system. I would ask you, do you consider someone as poor if they are earning 3 USD per day? Is being rich having a smartphone or a computer? We cannot count anymore on common material goods to measure poverty. Poverty in the 21st century is lack of opportunities, lack of social security, not having enough money to pay rent or pay for public transport. Not being able to buy a house and paying for the responsibility of the global financial crisis. The new government will never be social or democratic, every government will always be authoritarian. We, the people, have to build the real democracy with community organisation and popular defence, we have to be smart and alert against the (old) new oligarchy, not just voting for a fair master, but we must fight to the complete liberation of our society against the hands of the so-called authority and their capitalist oligarchs.

Featured Interview

Interview with Rich Baris

A Discussion on the Mood of the American Electorate

Platform had the great fortune this month to sit down with Rich Baris to get his thoughts on the mindset of the American electorate one year into the Biden administration and what this mindset might foreshadow for the midterm elections in the United States. Rich Baris is a noted American pollster and the Director of Big Data Poll. He is also the author of a book on American politics (Our Virtuous Republic: The Forgotten Clause In The American Social Contract).

Platform: Biden’s approval rates are currently sliding. How important are presidential approval rates given the fact that they are not polls measured against a political opponent but rather are a question of approval on the president? Should Biden be more concerned about the polls affecting his ability to get things done along the lines of Richard Neustadt’s thesis [that the president’s power comes from persuasion rather than from direct action]?

Rich Baris: There are a few predictive indicators going into a midterm for a first term incumbent president and fewer that are more predictive than a presidential approval rating. So, how are the parties going to fare going into that first term? [Polling on] Right track/Wrong Track is another one [that is highly predictive]. I think we have to take them with a little grain of salt because we are living in two universes right now. You have the universe where me and some other polling firms definitely show Biden under 40 percent now. We had him at 39 [percent] this month. Whereas some are consistently coming out with what we view to be completely unrealistic numbers. So, I think that kind of fudges the trend a bit. It used to be we had Gallop. They were the gold standard and we relied on them and that is how we measured all those years past in the 20th century. Now we have too many polls and not enough really accurate pollsters. That is the problem. But it [polling numbers] is still very important and it is something that Democrats know is going to hang around them like a noose weighing them down.

With both your questions, we are in a little bit of unchartered territory. Everyone knows that approval rating is predictive, yet we don’t know how predictive if we are looking at these range of polls that vary from Quinnipiac that put Biden at 33 percent approval versus Fox News who repeatedly comes out with 45 to 47 percent. I personally don’t know how they get there but they are getting there. On the flip side of that, typically a bad approval rating, especially in a first term, like Biden has kills the agenda but they [the Democrats] don’t seem to care. This time we are in very different territory, and we have to throw the playbook out because typically other lawmakers would look at his approval rating and they would say, “I am not dying on this hill. This guy is unpopular and that is it.” If you look at the Eighties when Reagan rebounded, he had to deal with a Democratic [controlled] Congress but Tip O'Neill and him worked together. O’Neill’s fellow members were too afraid to go against Ronald Reagan because he was too popular. Now, it is really almost like they are operating under the assumption it doesn’t matter. Maybe they view this man to be a one termer and that is it. Maybe they have succumbed to that he is older, he is not in great shape, and is not popular. Maybe they are resigned to the fact that let’s get done as much as we can done now and ignore the polls. Biden was asked about that around a week ago and he flatly said he didn’t believe the polls. That sounds like the last president, right? He got a lot of criticism for saying that and cherry-picking polls that he liked.

Now Democrats are operating as if it really doesn’t matter. I think they have an agenda that they want to get done and they are probably expecting to lose pretty badly in 2022. Yet, they are pushing ahead. Normally, this would have killed the president’s agenda and he would be a lame duck but Republicans, specifically in the Senate, are not operating under that assumption either. They are just rolling over on things that their base does not want. It is really an interesting phenomenon right now.

Platform: For sure! What is interesting you mentioned a comparison to Trump, and I had a moment like that with Biden’s election interference comments that questioned the [upcoming midterm] election’s legitimacy. I thought, “Come on, dude. Why- are you trying to lamely rip off of Trump? Because you are not going to be as cool as him."

Rich Baris: Yeah, and in 2016, they said that Donald Trump stole the election. Now, in ’22 if you make a comment like that it is treason. As they are telling you it is treason, the president can trot out and preemptively say that 2022 is going to be illegitimate because they didn’t get their federal takeover of elections. The media lets them get away with this. There is no holding them accountable. Politicians have always been hypocritical, but this is a whole new level. They do it with impunity because they are not going to be called out. Glenn Kessler from The Washington Post is not going to run a fact check on Joe Biden. He didn’t do it during the campaign, he is not going to do it now. That is the environment we are in, but people see it.

Platform: You also see that in terms of the ratings and just how bad the ratings are for CNN and MSNBC. Now, going to the midterms, midterms are traditionally a nightmare for presidents. What level of Republican success could be an unusually bad showing for Biden?

Rich Baris: This is another great question because in 2018 I argued that wasn’t a wave at all. The number of seats Democrats won was approximately 40 seats in the House and that is a roughly average performance for a first term incumbent president. In the Senate, they actually performed as poorly for a challenging party since JFK. Had McSally hung on against Sinema in Arizona and she kept that seat, you would have needed to go back to FDR to find such a poor performance for a challenging party during a first term incumbent midterm. At the state level, state legislatures and governorships, we just didn’t see this kind of blue wave go around the country. It was a splash; it wasn’t a wave. My traditional definition of a wave is basically across the board. Both chambers are at least impacted whether they take control of them or not. In 2010, for instance, Republicans did not take the Senate, but they still won enough seats where they obviously had a good night. It was all the way from the top of the ballot down to the bottom of the ballot. That is a wave. New Jersey [in 2021] almost was a wave. Virginia was a wave in 2021. So, Republicans are going to have to perform across the board in order for them to be able to call it the red wave they expect to have. I would say this too that the House is a little bit different for two reasons. Democrats are doing very well in redistricting. Of course, they [Republicans] have to take control of the House but by what seat margin?

A lot of people are thinking 60 seats and that it going to be like 2010 which it could be, but the Democrats were overextended in 2010 as they had won seats, they never should have won so it was just a reversion to the mean. 60 seats [for the Republicans] at this point I think it is a little bit wishful thinking but if they did a 30 to 40 seat swing in the House it would give them a very solid majority. In the Senate, they have got to take Arizona- they have to take states like that. For New Hampshire it depends on the candidate, but in Nevada, the Republican is pulling ahead. In Georgia, Walker should absolutely beat Raphael Warnock. They really should never have lost the seat to begin with. Kelly Loeffler should have won it. I always said in the [January] 2021 run offs in Georgia, Democrats didn’t win them, Republicans lost them by not voting. It is really that simple, they were missing at least 250,000 voters and that was because the base was very angry at their lack of defense of the president. We polled it twice and both they said, “You know what? This time Republicans have to feel the pain. They have to understand there are consequences for not defending us.” There were just too many people in central Georgia and in the southern shore area that said they were going to do that. Some people like David Purdue even underperformed Donald Trump in the Atlanta metro area. Republicans absolutely could have won them. Herschel Walker should beat Raphael Warnock pretty easily.

So, we would have to see that. Democrats did make some gains at the state level, but Republicans basically have to take back some governorships from Democrats that they won in ’18. They did have a goodnight with some governorships. For Gretchen Whitmer in Michigan, I would argue that Republicans have a fairly weak candidate for governor there against a decent candidate who gains traction she should lose. Wisconsin, whether it is Kleefisch or whoever gets the nod in the Republican side, is getting more and more Republican every year. Pennsylvania [is going to go] down to the wire. If they almost took New Jersey’s governor then rest assured that Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania are very winnable. If they can win back some of these blue wall states that Trump broke, and that Biden allegedly hung on to, that is a wave. In the end, it is important to look at the races for governors as well going into the congressional and presidential election. We saw the important role governors can play before 2020 because after they had won in ’18, they had the power to change election laws unilaterally (and now we know the courts are telling them that they did not have the power to do that in all three Rust Belt states, but the fact is it is too late as the governors did it and it worked). The party that holds the key governor mansions will go into my consideration when we decide how good of a night, the Republicans in the end, do have.

Platform: That is an interesting point. Going back to your point about Arizona, Arizona is a state that is trending bluer in recent years especially with the large Latino population there. So, it is not such an obvious thing as it used to be that McSally would be able to keep that seat. There is a reason why Kyrsten Sinema is acting like such a Republican lately and has made herself a target of the Progressive Left. Regarding New Jersey, I think New Jersey is trending more and more Right. You have this Haredi population that is growing and growing, and 90 percent of those people vote for Trump. The reason why Murphy won this time is because he has good relations with them. You have Lakewood, Teaneck, and Passaic- with huge Jewish communities. Those communities will offset the Progressive vote from some of the heavily blue areas such as Paterson, Trenton, and Newark. If the Democrats have to fight for their political life in New Jersey, they will get very nervous, since it is not a small state and has 14 electoral votes.

Rich Baris: Yeah, I absolutely see that point of view. It also could be compounded - and I know the machine politics there that halt it a little bit- but in this last election that we saw you had Sweeney go down because he neglected this swing with Hispanic men. Especially when you go further south where Sweeney lost, Gloucester had voted for Trump by a few points. In Gloucester you had Cumberland and Salem and those can trend Right, and we knew they were. That one part of Gloucester where there is a heavily Hispanic population and there is also an African American population, this working-class movement was happening under Sweeney’s feet, and no one was paying attention to it. Republicans could never win it, but Trump did twice. And nobody noticed it because who looks at state district levels, right? But Trump carried it by, I think, one and a half against Hillary and I think about three against Biden. So, it was going and coupled with- you were talking with the dynamic of the Jewish vote and that growing community- that Hispanic male working vote there could be definitely problems for Democrats there especially in local elections. That is really one of the big things. This shift that we are seeing with the Hispanic working male is real and it started under Trump but now it’s really progressed because Biden has had a year to tell them why they voted for him, but they think they made a mistake. So now they are furious.

In California, when we had the recall, Republicans spent all their money on Orange County and San Diego because that is where they think their white Republican vote is. Meanwhile, they all voted no [to the recall]. It was the Central Valley- Madera, Merced, Fresno- which is highly populated with Hispanic workers that voted yes to everybody’s surprise except for me because we were polling it for a client. We knew they were going to vote yes. White men voted 52-48 yes while Hispanic men voted 53-47 yes- they were the closest to the strongest vote for that movement and nobody paid attention to them. Republicans have got to wake up and see that opportunity because they just want someone to represent them.

Platform: Absolutely and we don’t think of the Latino vote as something where we don’t have much chance of making inroads but talking about a community that has very traditional values- values of family and religious values- is something they really need to tap into. Going back to the House of Representatives, just to make a comment- people forgot that 90 to 95 percent of their representatives retain their seats and most of those seats won’t flip or be expected to flip. So that is something people have to build into their expectations when they are hoping for some sort of wave. Going back to the flipping of the blue states, this is a very important thing for Republicans particularly when you have Arizona trending Left and you have Georgia trending Left [with its 16 electoral votes] and if you have Texas [with 38 electoral votes] go you real trouble as it become more purple lately. These are not shoo-ins like Alabama or Montana, Texas is a very impactful state for Republicans with California being worth 55 electoral votes.

Rich Baris: Yeah, Texas would be checkmate in the electoral college, absolutely.

Platform: Yeah, the only thing the Republicans can do to offset that is win Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan theoretically while being stable in Georgia and Arizona. But you are pushing into dangerous territory when you lose Texas.

Rich Baris: Democrats have just been much better at looking at the map and saying, “You know what, maybe we lost this state by ten to twelve points this year but four, eight, or twelve years from now maybe we can compete there, and they put the work and money in." Republicans don’t look at a place like Maine for instance or even Connecticut or New Jersey, as you said they didn’t give Jack Ciattarelli any help whatsoever and the man lost by three points. If the Republican Governor’s Association gave him a little bit of resources to help push him over the edge, he might have won that. I actually do think he would have. He ran with nothing and with no help. Everyone was looking at Virginia. Virginia is another one of those states that has been trending blue and we did see some swing back in Virginia. Could a Republican win it at the presidential level? I don’t think we should make that jump yet. Youngkin won it in a close election. Bob McDonnell won it by double digits [in 2009] and he carried Fairfax County, yet Mitt Romney could not carry it in 2012. They just don’t have the ambition that Democrats have when they look at the electoral college. They don’t say, “You know what, we can’t win this state now but maybe we can.” They are always playing defensively.

Platform: Agreed. Progressives push the envelope and it seems the dynamics between the two parties are often conservatives reacting outraged at something the Progressives do or say. In a sort of way, it is a good strategy because Progressives just keep pushing that envelope until people go, “What?!”.

Rich Baris: But even then, they are still directing the message when they [Progressives] do that and the Republicans are still reacting. They are being proactive. The number one rule in politics is if you are playing defense you are losing. So, they are constantly on offense. Some Republicans know that like Governor Ron DeSantis in Florida. The guy is on offense every day, he is going to win reelection in a landslide- I don’t care what some other pollster comes out with. We have been very good in Florida for many years now and have a much better track record than most. That race is not close at all. DeSantis is going to win it handily and it will be called in 20 to 30 minutes that is how much he is ahead right now. He is teaching Republicans in many ways, along with Donald Trump, where there is a lot of negative associations with him, but the reason why people respect and love him is because he always fought, never backtracked, and he consistently tried to honor his political promises. He wouldn’t stab you as a voter in the back, there is no other way to put it. While so many Republican presidents, senators, and Congressmen have done that to their base for years and it doesn’t work out for the base. Then you have the kingmakers who go with McCain or Romney saying that they are the strongest candidate just to watch these guys get creamed. Eventually the Republicans just toned it out and anyone who defends them like DeSantis is or Trump did is going to get the love. You can’t blame them. I don’t understand why some pundits can’t grasp this relationship. Maybe because they don’t see since they aren’t really so-called Republicans in the sense that a Republican in Pennsylvania or Florida would call themselves a Republican. They are not the same. Maybe they don’t see the betrayal because those pundits are much further to the Left than the average base voter and Kevin McCarthy doesn’t represent in the House the average base Republican voter. So other pundits who are DC-based or New York based, they don’t understand it because they can’t see that.

Platform: Moving to the Democratic races in Virginia and New Jersey, how much of the losses can be seen as a referendum on Biden as opposed to it being a pushback against Progressive issues at large like Critical Race Theory and the candidates themselves?

Rich Baris: As in the case in politics at any one time, it is never one explanation. Without a doubt Glenn Youngkin did an amazing job keeping the conversation on education and local issues. Speaking of Tip O’Neill, he said that all politics are local. That is the way things should be and is typically- especially true of a gubernatorial election. The media tried to push Youngkin to a national stage- tying him to Trump but he didn’t let it happen. He wasn’t anti-Trump at all. I think he is a very good case study for other Republican candidates on how you can stay focused on the message, be proactive, drive the conversation, and McAuliffe, Democrats, Joe Biden, and the rest of them wanted the election to be about Medicaid expansion, Donald Trump, and Covid. That didn’t happen. Voters, especially within the last four weeks [of the election], shifted dramatically into Glenn Youngkin’s conversation, they wanted to talk about inflation, Critical Race Theory, and the economy and jobs in general.

So, I think you have this fired up base that is really scared of Wokism and probably with good reason and they will vote based on those issues. You have the overall general public that is swingable and persuadable, and they were looking at things like groceries and the cost of inflation at the grocery store and then you get a tax levied on you every time you buy groceries. It is a way to lose people in Chesterfield and in Loudoun County who aren’t particularly partisan as they vote based on their pocketbook or whatever they saw at the time. They did not view this as a referendum on Donald Trump since he wasn’t there anymore. They viewed it as Democratic policies aren’t doing very well whether at the state level or at the national level and we need a change and Glenn Youngkin doesn’t scare me. We talk about Critical Race Theory, in our polling we called it the revenge of the fathers, we saw this huge margin with fathers with school-aged children and it wasn’t always there until that story about Loudon County and the sexual assault in the gender-neutral bathroom became a big story. As knowledge of that story rose, the margin among those fathers widened. You can track it side by side. So, there was an element to that as well that people aren’t talking about. There are people who think they hide it from them and never got their approval or consent to impose those policies and then G-d forbid you go and make your voice heard at a school board meeting and you’re labelled like a terrorist to be arrested and thrown out like that poor father who had his child assaulted.

You put all of it together and it resulted in roughly a 12-point average swing statewide and by the way I think Virginia is important with that because that is the average swing that we are seeing across the border leading up to the election. Now in some places like Georgia and elsewhere, it is actually getting even worse. So, for a while we were looking at a 12-point margin, but it was more like New Jersey’s 16-point swing away from Democrats and we were looking at it and thinking anything within this range is dangerous for Democrats. That again has worsened as the picture has gotten even worse for Democrats since that election. Now we are looking at Biden’s approval ratings in Georgia, he is 39 nationally but he is about 34 percent in Georgia. If you are 34 percent your Senator is going to lose. He is going to lose. We polled it and had Warnock down to Walker by 4 and now we saw the Atlanta Journal Constitution which is one of the most Democratic leaning and favoring polls out there and even they have Walker ahead now. That is what happens when a president drags you down and he does because there is that segment of the population, whether it is Virginia or Georgia, that does view their vote as a referendum on the president. This is something the Democrats are going to have to deal with as all first term incumbent midterms have to.

Platform: Just to strengthen what you are saying in terms of the impact that McAuliffe’s talking about Trump had, Youngkin was very good because not only did he stay on message with local issues, but he constantly said that this wasn’t a referendum on Trump. He distanced himself from Trump and was careful to do so by saying, “I am the one who is running for governor of Virginia and not Trump”. Going back to McAuliffe, he had that infamous comment that he made that it is none of parent’s business what we teach in your schools. That is really not a good move.

Rich Baris: We polled that statement and asked if you agree or disagreed with it. It did very poorly as you can imagine and one of the ads that Youngkin ran that was probably the most persuasive to the real middle was that ad where he just cut how many times McAuliffe said Trump everywhere he went, and people really responded to that. It was at that point a level of frustration where the voter went, “look, I voted for you before, but I am not going to vote for you this time because this is not the kind of campaign, I was hoping you’d run. Youngkin seems reasonable and I am going with him.” McAuliffe lost those Northam, Obama, and Biden voters to Youngkin because he ran an unserious campaign.

Platform: Going to the next question, what grade would you give the first year of the Biden presidency?

Rich Baris: I’d give him a flat-out F because he won arguably on an impossible campaign promise. You can dumb it down to him promising not to shut down the economy but the virus. That is what the persuadable voters really hinged their vote on with him and that was never a really plausible promise to make. You can’t keep that. You don’t know whether that is the case or not. As it became clear with Delta and all these other variants that the vaccine was not going to be Joe Biden’s saving grace, that they are not going to let people go back to normal, and that this wasn’t want they were sold then he started to plummet. Afghanistan was the icing on the cake. A lot of people try to point out Afghanistan as the moment when Biden began to fall. It’s not. Covid took Biden down and that Afghanistan was the final death knell that pushed him into the 30s. Covid took him into the low 40s in our polling and Afghanistan gave it an extra little push because the images of leaving all the people behind, the weapons behind, and literally he is making promises on Friday that by Monday don’t come true. Between Afghanistan, his handling of Covid, and then spending as much money as he did against the will of the American people during a time when we are facing real dangers of inflation is not only tune deaf but dangerous. We polled a lot of sentiment about shortages and inflation this month and I never thought in the United States of America that I would ever get the numbers that I did on this issue. 80% of the country tells you that they are seeing increases for meat and poultry with more than a majority say these are significant increases. 70 plus percent say there are shortages in meat and poultry, fruit and vegetables, canned goods, bread, and eggs. There is no way to spin that.

Platform: Which political mistake do you think would be the most impactful on his presidency? If you had said Afghanistan, then I would have said that this is unusual given that foreign policy issues have less priority for American voters than economic issues.

Rich Baris: I would agree with that. I really think Afghanistan was secondary. Now, we ask about Ukraine, and it was broad consensus that “no, I don’t support military actions against Russia in defense of Ukraine. Hello, we have domestic problems here. We can’t go spending money that we don’t have in Eastern Europe because inflation is at a danger of running wild at home.” So, really they always pivot back to those core economic issues that could hurt someone like Donald Trump who was effectively perceived as comfortable in the economic arena when he was president. So, they didn’t give this thought that they should have. They assumed that the economy would keep going on autopilot and that Donald Trump had gotten that squared away and it would be alright as you could not possibly do that much damage in a year. There are millions upon millions of people telling us now that they made a mistake. But it is based on economic concerns above all, and you have all those other secondary issues whether it is foreign policy or the new culture wars over transgender issues, CRT, or whatever it might be. They are there and there are forefront of people’s mind and so is election reform by the way. They do not want a federal takeover of elections and want much stricter voter verification procedures than anything we have seen so far. Those secondary issues are there, and you win elections on the margins so anytime you can rack in secondary issues that voters favor you that is great. Right now, though we are really down to the nuts and bolts which is my wallet six months from is not going to be able to take the price of goods. One voter told us in our Fall poll, when we started to see this take shape, that, “if I can find it, I can’t afford it. If I can afford it, I can’t find it.” That stuck with me because there were so many different people telling us in different ways, but that particular voter put it crystal clear and encapsulated the concern that others tried to rely to us. That is nuts and bolts, now we don’t have the luxury of being concerned with these 3rd rail issues that Democrats will try to bring up and try to distract with them as this is what they always do every 2, 4, and 6 years. But this time it won’t work, not unless something dramatically improves with the economy and inflation. I don’t see that or how it could, but we will see. A year- or nine months now- can be a long time.

Platform: Going to the last question, if you were Biden which Republican candidate would be the best threat for you if they win in the primaries? Who are you the most afraid of?

Rich Baris: Right now, I know there is this big groundswell among certain people for Ron DeSantis and people get mad when we put out our polls and ask why are we only polling Trump and why don’t you add DeSantis in the mix. The fact of the matter is we don’t do it for two reasons: (1) Ron DeSantis has said unequivocally that he will not run if Trump runs again, and we all know Donald Trump if he does run is going to replace Mike Pence with DeSantis on the ticket. (2) DeSantis’s name recognition is simply not high enough yet so that if we did put him up against Joe Biden, DeSantis would be down because his name recognition is not what Donald Trump’s is. That being said it doesn’t mean that you can’t build on that. A second term governor by that time if he does run in the primary and Trump doesn’t run, I think he is very dangerous to Joe Biden, especially if he can reach the working class the way that Donald Trump did. Here is the thing that Donald Trump has that nobody else has right now. Some of it comes from name recognition but it is really this impression that he is not a politician. When we see this disparity between Trump and Republicans on the generic ballot among Hispanic men for instance, we ask them why they refuse to vote Republican or just maybe they are undecided right now and it is because they view Donald Trump as that outsider guy, and we like that, and we don’t mind the crass anymore. What they cared about was the economic policy and the fact that they like that he sticks it to the man. Maybe Ron DeSantis can get to that level and have that kind of gravitas, but he is just not there yet.

Those three Mid-Western states of Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania are so important. If Donald Trump runs again, you have states like Ohio and Iowa that are not even competitive, and Trump will win them in a blowout. Ron DeSantis probably takes Florida off the table, but the question remains whether he can win those Obama-Trump Rust Belt voters. Some of them went back to Biden, I think it is at least fair to argue that Trump lost some of them, but he also added 10 million votes, which no president has done and lost in history. That is something a bit odd, but I’ll leave it for another day.

Right now, Donald Trump is the strongest candidate. I know some people don’t want to hear that, but it is the truth. When we look at our polling, we have to go back to many years in history to find a Republican candidate who led who led their Democratic opponent as much as Donald Trump is leading Joe Biden by such a large amount nationally and so consistently in our polling. Or in any polling! Harvard-Harris just had Trump up by six over Biden. That just doesn’t happen. Republicans don’t win popular vote margins by six points. It is not the 1980 or ’84 electorate anymore. George W. Bush was lucky to barely win the popular vote in 2004 and he didn’t win it in 2000. As time goes on because disproportionate populations in big blue states, they are going to sway that popular vote. It is really going to come down to the electoral college. If Trump wins in a popular vote, then a year ago I would have told you that was impossible. I really never did believe it. When we would poll, we would look at Republicans to be within two points- maybe three points- and that is striking distance in the electoral college. The fact that Trump has got these four-, six-, and eight-point leads is honestly stunning. I really can’t understate it enough because I have been reading other commentary from other people like Ann Coulter the other day made a ruckus by saying, “the polls are clear, Trump is done! He is gone.” That is ridiculous. Even George Herbert Walker Bush who beat Michael Dukakis with over 400 electoral votes still trailed Michael Dukakis for the majority of that election season. He only took the lead in the late summer and the early fall because he beat him on the perception that Dukakis was weak on crime among other things and painted him as too far to the Left. He only did this at the last minute, and no Republican has led consistently like this since maybe Richard Nixon in his reelection bid. It is really worth point that out. I think a Trump-DeSantis ticket at this point looks unbeatable. We have polled Pete Buttigieg, Kamala Harris, Joe Biden, and Elizabeth Warren- nobody can touch him. He is way ahead.

Voices In The Crowd

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Voices In The Crowd: Conversations on the Ukrainian-Russian conflict

This month's Voices in the Crowd covers a potential looming conflict between Ukraine and Russia over the issue of Ukrainian sovereignty. We spoke to 4 Ukrain...
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Quote of The Month

"I find the great thing in this world is not so much where we stand, as in what direction we are moving."

- Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr.

Editor's Note

Platform Mag is pleased to publish our seventh edition. The general theme for this edition is global challenges that demands innovation to resolve a crisis. In this edition, we see challenges across the world from the current war scare in Ukraine that offers a possibility of Russian-American detente, to the challenge of the explosion in crime rates in the US and and an attempt to explore what is causing this great crime wave, the challenges of a new Chile, and the challenges that we all faced through Covid and what a sound post-pandemic policy would be based on. Our interview for this edition is with American pundit and pollster Richard Baris on the subject of the state of polling in the United States and mood of the American electorate toward the current administration. Also make sure to check our Voices in the Crowd section on what are the opinions of some Russians and Ukrainians on the current Russo-Ukrainian crisis!